ISLAMABAD — Sectarian violence has engulfed Pakistan’s Kurram district, where deadly clashes between Shia and Sunni groups have left more than 130 people dead in recent weeks. Despite repeated calls for calm and temporary ceasefires, the violence has continued, exposing long-standing tensions and the state’s failure to protect its minority Shia community.
The conflict escalated on November 21 when gunmen ambushed a convoy on a highway connecting Kurram to the rest of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province. The attack, which killed 52 people — mostly Shia — ignited retaliatory violence across the region. Shia militant factions, notably the Zainabiyoun Brigade, have been accused of targeting Sunni properties and communities, while Sunni extremist outfits have intensified attacks on Shias.
For decades, Kurram — a Shia-majority enclave surrounded by Sunni villages and bordering Afghanistan — has been a flashpoint for sectarian conflict. The strategic location, combined with deeply rooted religious divides, has made the district a battleground for competing militant groups. Shia leaders allege that Sunni factions, some with ties to terrorist Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and other extremist groups, are seeking to drive them out.
The violence reflects broader patterns of sectarianism across Pakistan. Shias, who make up about 10 to 15 percent of the country’s population, have increasingly become targets of Sunni radicalism. Extremist groups, including Lashkar-e Jhangvi and the TTP, consider Shias “apostates,” fueling targeted killings and attacks over the last two decades. Human rights organizations have documented a surge in violence against Shias, particularly in areas like Kurram where they are geographically and politically isolated.
“This is not just a local conflict. It is a symptom of systemic neglect and growing sectarian extremism,” said a human rights advocate familiar with the region.
Critics point to Pakistan’s powerful military establishment for failing to stem the violence — and, in some cases, for emboldening Sunni extremist groups. The military’s counterterror operations, such as Azm-i-Istehkam (Resolve for Stability), have disproportionately impacted Pashtun and Shia communities, worsening local resentment.
The military’s perceived bias, coupled with weak governance, has eroded trust in state institutions. Many Shia leaders accuse the government of ignoring their plight, while some Sunni outfits reportedly receive support from external actors across the Afghan border. The Zainabiyoun Brigade, meanwhile, has been accused of ties to Iran, adding a regional dimension to the conflict.
The current violence in Kurram echoes past bloodshed. Between 2007 and 2011, over 2,000 people — mostly Shia — were killed when the TTP attempted to overrun the district. Although subsequent ceasefires temporarily reduced tensions, underlying grievances have remained unresolved, often reigniting violence over land disputes or political marginalization.
The latest clashes have devastated Kurram’s infrastructure. Highways remain closed, cutting off food and medical supplies to the district’s main city, Parachinar. Trade at the Kharlachi border crossing with Afghanistan has halted, worsening shortages and leaving families stranded without essentials.
Observers warn that unchecked sectarian violence could spread further if left unaddressed. Anti-Shia propaganda, amplified on social media, has normalized hostility toward the minority community. Meanwhile, the rise of Sunni extremist factions like Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat (ASWJ) and extremist-tomb-worshipping Tehreek-i-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) has fueled radicalism nationwide.
As the death toll mounts, Shia leaders fear that their community is being systematically targeted. For many in Kurram, the latest violence is not just a local tragedy but part of a broader campaign of marginalization, deepened by political indifference and military inaction.
Without decisive intervention, sectarian strife threatens to plunge Kurram further into chaos, leaving its residents trapped between violence and neglect.